貓讓人類渺小而卑微的終極必殺技,是她可以睡在盒子裡,讓你感覺她在賣席夢絲



我和我鄙夷的對象,原來距離如此接近



永遠不需要向別人解釋你自己,因為喜歡你的人不需要,不喜歡你的人不會相信。

The Trick Is Keep Breathing




GLORY TO THE SHINING REMOVER OF DARKNESS




順順走, 慢慢來, 自得其樂, 不留痕跡




美韓軍演一波波,北韓聲討李明博叛賊,新聞稿如下:
李明博政權向朝鮮同胞的胸口"開槍放炮插匕首",實在令人恨之入骨,且看北韓的"正義鐵拳",將向仇人發出咆哮!!...........................真是經典啊!


說到我想去的地方,那就厲害了,藍天白雲,椰林樹影,水清砂白,坐落於印度洋上的世外桃源:馬爾代夫...也鬧政變了啊

Distraction is the only thing that consoles us for our miseries, and yet it is itself the greatest of our miseries.
--- French philosopher Blaise Pascal

it’s not nice to piss you off. and i know. but i was poking and sort of prodding, and kinda hoping, and always watching, for a reaction.
--- The Indie Queens are Waiting

Baby don't you know that it is understood, if you take away the sunshine, you also take away the starlight.
--- Architecture in Helsinki

我們自以為在演洛基,KO了就能光榮謝幕,沒想到門一踹卻是打不完殭屍,而我只有一把散彈槍,和一條OK蹦...

很奇怪,"魔球"裡最感人的兩幕,一個是小布聽女兒在樂器店裡唱歌,一個是小布在車裡聽女兒唱歌.......是誰說這是棒球片的?

Life is a Maze, Love is a Riddle.

活得好,不外乎:吃好丶睡好。除此之外,沒別的了。

年少時候,我們追求無限可能,複雜難懂的東西,例如愛情;年老之後,我們嚮往回歸原點,單純實在的東西,例如信仰..........和金錢。

修身,齊家,治國,平天下,僅做到一項,吾願足矣。有誰能做到全部,恭喜你...........ㄟ,醫生啊,這裡有病人。

And I want to be like lovers in an old romantic song, where the music fades away before the love it can go wrong.
--- jill barber




Young Galaxy, We have everything

Fance - Full Speed Ahead

The Book of Joe


9.30.2008

美國國會制度

Checks and balances

View of the United States Capitol from the United States Supreme Court buildingThe Constitution provides checks and balances among the three branches of the federal government. The authors of the Constitution expected the greater power to lie with Congress and it has been theorized that that is one reason they are described in Article One.[9]

The influence of Congress on the presidency has varied from one period to another; the degree of power depending largely on the leadership of the Congress, political influence by the president, or other members of congress and the boldness of the president's initiatives. Under the first half-dozen presidents, power seems to have been evenly divided between the president and Congress, in part because early presidents largely restricted their vetoes to bills that were unconstitutional.

The impeachment of Andrew Johnson made the presidency much less powerful than Congress. During the late nineteenth century, President Grover Cleveland aggressively attempted to restore the executive branch's power, vetoing over 400 bills during his first term. The twentieth and twenty-first centuries have seen the rise of the power of the Presidency under Theodore Roosevelt (1901–09), Woodrow Wilson (1913–21), Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933–45), Richard Nixon (1969–74), Ronald Reagan (1981–89), and George W. Bush (2001–) (see Imperial Presidency).[10] In recent years, Congress has restricted the powers of the President with laws such as the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 and the War Powers Resolution; nevertheless, the Presidency remains considerably more powerful than during the nineteenth century.[10]

The Constitution concentrates removal powers in the Congress by empowering and obligating the House of Representatives to impeach federal officials (both executive and judicial) for "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors." The Senate is constitutionally empowered and obligated to try all impeachments. A simple majority in the House is required to impeach an official; however, a two-thirds majority in the Senate is required for conviction. A convicted official is automatically removed from office; in addition, the Senate may stipulate that the defendant be banned from holding office in the future.

Impeachment proceedings may not inflict more than this; however, the party may face criminal penalties in a normal court of law. In the history of the United States, the House of Representatives has impeached sixteen officials, of whom seven were convicted. (Another resigned before the Senate could complete the trial). Only two Presidents of the United States have ever been impeached: Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Bill Clinton in 1999. Both trials ended in acquittal; in Johnson's case, the Senate fell one vote short of the two-thirds majority required for conviction. In 1974, Richard Nixon resigned from office after impeachment proceedings in the House Judiciary Committee indicated he would eventually be removed from office.

The Constitution entrusts certain powers to the Senate alone. The President may only nominate for appointment Cabinet officials, judges, and other high officers with the "by and with the advice and consent" of the Senate. The Senate confirms most presidential nominees, but rejections are not uncommon. Furthermore, treaties negotiated by the President must be ratified by a two-thirds majority vote in the Senate to take effect. The House of Representatives has no formal role in either the ratification of treaties or the appointment of federal officials, other than filling vacancies in the office of Vice-President.

In 1803, the Supreme Court established judicial review of federal legislation in Marbury v. Madison, holding, however, that Congress could not grant unconstitutional power to the Court itself. The Constitution does not explicitly state that the courts may exercise judicial review; however, the notion that courts could declare laws unconstitutional was envisioned by the founding fathers. Alexander Hamilton, for example, mentioned and expounded upon the doctrine in Federalist No. 78. Originalists on the Supreme Court have argued that if the constitution doesn't say something explicitly it is unconstitutional to infer what it should, might or could have said.[11]

Investigations are conducted to gather information on the need for future legislation, to test the effectiveness of laws already passed, and to inquire into the qualifications and performance of members and officials of the other branches. Committees may hold hearings, and, if necessary, compel individuals to testify by issuing subpoenas. Witnesses who refuse to testify may be cited for contempt of Congress, and those who testify falsely may be charged with perjury. Most committee hearings are open to the public (the House and Senate intelligence committees are the exception); important hearings are widely reported in the mass media.

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